RSS that we do not know (Part II)

http://www.rss.org/New_RSS/History/Achievements.jsp

Much has been said and written about RSS and people take pride in maligning right wing organizations in India in the name of secularism. But we should not overlooked the fact that no other organization is survived over 80 years and still growing. Here is the brief overview about role of RSS during invasions by neighbouring countries on nascently independent nation, which even many swayamsevaks are not aware of!

During 1962 Chinese Invasion

Deep concern for the national sovereignty over every inch of the country has ever remained the life-breath of Sangh all the years. The Indian Government, for the umpteenth time, tried to buy peace with Pakistan by appeasing her with the gift of certain areas in West Bengal. In December 1959, the Akhil Bharatiya Karyakari Mandal (the All-India Executive Committee) of Sangh warned that "The introduction of a bill to amend the Constitution for transfer of Berubari and other Indian territories to Pakistan is detrimental to our national pride and solidarity." It also urged all members of Parliament "to vindicate their supreme duty of safeguarding the nation's sovereignty by firmly rejecting the suicidal bill and allaying the fears of the people in that regard."

When the Kashmir issue was taken to the UNO, Shri Guruji publicly warned that the step would boomerang and pose serious problems in future for the security and integrity of the country. Again, he was the first public leader to give out the news of illegal occupation by the Chinese of large chunks of our strategic Himalayan borders. In 1960, when Pandit Nehru and Chou-Enlai were jointly touring our country singing the lullaby of "HindiCheeni bhai bhai", Shri Guruji's was the one voice laying bare the dragon's teeth hidden behind that enchanting slogan.

And two years later, when the Chinese openly invaded our territory in 1962, the Swayamsevaks swung into action mobilising support to the governmental measures in general and to the jawans in particular. Pandit Nehru was so much impressed that he invited a Sangh contingent to take part in the Republic Day Parade of 26th January 1963. At a mere two days' notice, over 3,000 Swayamsevaks smartly turned up at the parade in full Sangh uniform. Their massive march, in fact, became the major highlight of the programme. When, later on, some Congressmen raised their eyebrows over the invitation to Sangh, Pandit Nehru brushed aside the objections saying that all patriotic citizens had been invited to join the parade.

During the war, the attitude of labour becomes a crucial factor. When China invaded Bharat, a section of the Communist Party of India proclaimed that Chinese forces were here for 'liberating' Bharat (from capitalist domination). Their leaders like Basavaponnaiah went to the extent of saying that Bharat was the aggressor and had occupied Chinese territory. Their unions were made tools to sabotage or obstruct our defence efforts. Their water-transporting union in the North-Eastern region served a strike notice. Transport of food and other materials to the jawans at the Front was hampered. However, the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh decided otherwise. At once it withdrew all agitations by its unions. All the pending demands were put off for the time being. A call was given to workers to give top priority to stepping up defence production and assisting all defence efforts.

The BMS did not stop at that. It decided to end the potentiality for mischief in future by such Trojan horses. In strategic sectors such as defence production, transport, power generation, transmission, etc., special efforts were made. Two decades of such persistent efforts have secured for the BMS federation in the defence sector-the Bharatiya Prati Raksha Mazdoor Sangh- a premier position. BMS is now confident that the leftist unions dare not try their 1962 tactics in the future. So also, in other lifelines of the nation like power generation, road and railway transport, the BMS has established a clear lead over others.

During 1965 Pak Aggression

When Pakistan attacked Bharat in 1965, Lal Bahadur Shastri, the Prime Minister, personally rang up Shri Guruji who was then touring Maharashtra and requested him to be in New Delhi for the All-Leaders Conference the following day. At the conference, Shri Guruji extended complete co-operation on behalf of the Sangh. He also urged that the hands of the Indian army should not be tied down to a defensive posture but allowed to evolve its own offensive strategy. At the conference, when one of the representatives, while addressing Shastriji, kept on saying 'your army', Shri Guruji corrected him with a sharp reminder: "Say, 'our army'."

In Delhi, for the entire period of 22 days of war, police duties like traffic control were transferred to Swayamsevaks to free the police for more pressing tasks. Ever since the beginning of war, batches of Swayamsevaks daily reported at the General Military Hospital, Delhi, to offer blood. The military looked upon the Sangh as a friend in need. Whenever they felt the need for any kind of civil assistance they would just ring up the Sangh Karyalaya. When the war was at its peak a military train carrying wounded jawans arrived in Delhi. Hundreds were urgently in need of blood transfusion. The army officers telephoned to the Delhi Sangh Karyalaya. It was midnight. The very next morning 500 Swayamsevaks reached the military hospital to donate blood. According to the hospital rules, each of them was offered 10 rupees. But the Swayamsevaks returned the amount saying that it could be better used for the wounded jawans.

The Sangh Swayamsevaks of Amritsar organised four canteens on the border within the shelling range of the enemy. It was indeed a sight to see the supreme courage of the young men working in such dangerous areas. The villagers used to donate huge quantities of milk free of charge to these canteens. They would bring meals prepared in desi ghee to these canteens, where hundreds of jawans took their food. On 8th September, when the Government authorities wanted clothes for a large number of injured soldiers, they were got ready in just four hours. The leadership provided by two Swayamsevak MLAs of the Jana Sangh during those crucial days was exemplary.

Prior to the commencement of the undeclared war, the civilian aspect of work was mostly on paper. But the superb way in which cent per cent black outs, night patrols and other items of civil defence measures were performed by the civilians was a miracle. The unarmed civilians successfully caught the Pakistani paratroopers who were armed to the teeth. Every mile of rail track, every bridge and culvert over rivers or canals and every aerodrome was guarded by the civilians in a most courageous and determined manner. And in all these efforts, needless to say, the Swayamsevaks were in the vanguard.

When the war broke out, the Jana Sangh MLA-a Swayamsevak-in Ferozepur district, whose village was situated in the border area just near the theatre of war, promptly told his villagers: "I will stay in my village and shall remain here whatever may happen." Whenever people, terror-stricken by Pakistan's shelling, wanted his consent to leave the village, he would tell them, " You can leave the village, if you so desire. But mind you, I will remain here and fight against Pakistan to my last." Listening to such heroic words, the villagers would again stick to their posts of duty, their morale steeled. Another Jana Sangh MLA, a Swayamsevak, continued to stay in Ferozepur even when the city was actually being bombarded and shelled by Pakistan. Fazilka town had a normal population of about 40,000. Hardly 5,000 persons stayed on eventually, and they were almost all Swayamsevaks and their families.

In Rajouri in Jammu, when two Swayamsevaks-one of them a leader of Jana Sangh-observed Pakistani troops proceeding towards the town, they hastened to the Army Cantonment to give the news. The Army Officer, on his part, had already prepared himself to face the enemy, but he suggested to the two Swayamsevaks to immediately shift to Jammu for safety. He offered them an army vehicle also for the purpose. But they refused the offer saying that their duty lay in their own place for maintaining people's morale and mobilising civilian support for the Army. The next day, a committee was formed for the purpose, which performed its job admirably and thus helped saving Rajouri from the enemy hands.

From Meindhar in the same area comes the story of a Swayamsevak, who dared to enter the enemy trenches. He snatched the stengun from the Pakistani soldier who was firing upon the neighbouring village, killed him and his comrades in the trench and saved the lives of hundreds of our countrymen. Another Swayamsevak of Pathani, in Naushera Taluk, sneaked through the Pak military formation which had surrounded and ambushed a section of the Indian army, and supplied the jawans the much needed water and foodstuffs. When the soldiers tried to shower presents on him he refused them saying that he had only done his duty towards the Motherland.

In Jammu, where the influx of displaced persons swelled into lakhs, the Sangh-sponsored Sahayata Samiti was the one foremost in the field of mobilizing the civilian co-operation for their relief. Right from 15th August up to 6th September, it arranged daily meals for about 25-35 thousand persons and supplied them with all the daily necessities of life. In Gujarat too, a Sangh Swayamsevak working at Okha near Dwaraka shot down two Pakistani satire jets flying low to bombard that port. When he was profusely congratulated by the army men, he remarked, in the true spirit of a Swayamsevak, "I have just done my duty, that is all." When the fighting ended, General Kulwant Singh told a Sangh worker, "Punjab is the sword-arm of India, and RSS is the sword-arm of Punjab." Soon after the war, when the Prime Minister was invited to Tashkent, Shri Guruji sent a message urging him not to go. When, however, he decided to go, Shri Guruji sent a letter to him through Atal Behari Vajpayee, wherein he had urged him to stand During 1971 War of Bangladesh Liberation When war with Pakistan broke out again in December 1971, Shri Guruji's advice to the Government and the people was clear and crisp: "At least now, we should be shaken out of our illusion that an appeal to the so-called international conscience would work wonders." He also said, "Our war aims should be clear. As our Shastras have declared, no shatru shesh, residue of the enemy, should be allowed to remain." However, the Government, in the wake of the heroic liberation of Bangladesh by our jawans, again relapsed into its old groove. With what results we all know now - with both Pakistan and Bangladesh becoming more and more belligerent all the time.

During the war, as on previous occasions, thousands of Swayamsevaks throughout Rajasthan, North Punjab, Jammu, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Bengal pledged their services with the authorities for every kind of mobilisation of civilian support. At several important cities and towns, hundreds of Swayamsevaks enlisted themselves as blood donors as well as volunteers for civil defence and first aid. Patrolling during black-out and undertaking relief works became their normal duties. In Uttar Pradesh, a sustained programme for public awakening was undertaken. Prabhat-pheris (early morning marches) and public contacts were taken up for exhorting the people to remain vigilant about the pro-Pale elements and their possible fifth column activities. In Delhi, the Kingsway Camp police station authorities requisitioned the services of the Swayamsevaks to guard the broadcasting and other vital installations in Radio Colony and the water works at Wazirabad. The Swayamsevaks also looked after the wounded jawans in hospitals at many places. Army hospitals were often flooded with fruits and other consumer articles for the use of the wounded jawans.

On 7th December 1971, when the Barmer railway station in Rajasthan was bombed by Pakistani planes, about 40 to 45 Swayamsevaks rushed to the dangerous spot. A goods train carrying petrol drums was likely to catch fire. The Swayamsevaks, unmindful of the intermittent bombing, removed the drums to safer places. During those critical days, senior defence and government officers insisted that only the Sangh men be permitted to run the canteens in those sensitive border areas.

During 1971 War of Bangladesh Liberation

When war with Pakistan broke out again in December 1971, Shri Guruji's advice to the Government and the people was clear and crisp: "At least now, we should be shaken out of our illusion that an appeal to the so-called international conscience would work wonders." He also said, "Our war aims should be clear. As our Shastras have declared, no shatru shesh, residue of the enemy, should be allowed to remain." However, the Government, in the wake of the heroic liberation of Bangladesh by our jawans, again relapsed into its old groove. With what results we all know now - with both Pakistan and Bangladesh becoming more and more belligerent all the time.

During the war, as on previous occasions, thousands of Swayamsevaks throughout Rajasthan, North Punjab, Jammu, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Bengal pledged their services with the authorities for every kind of mobilisation of civilian support. At several important cities and towns, hundreds of Swayamsevaks enlisted themselves as blood donors as well as volunteers for civil defence and first aid. Patrolling during black-out and undertaking relief works became their normal duties. In Uttar Pradesh, a sustained programme for public awakening was undertaken. Prabhat-pheris (early morning marches) and public contacts were taken up for exhorting the people to remain vigilant about the pro-Pale elements and their possible fifth column activities. In Delhi, the Kingsway Camp police station authorities requisitioned the services of the Swayamsevaks to guard the broadcasting and other vital installations in Radio Colony and the water works at Wazirabad. The Swayamsevaks also looked after the wounded jawans in hospitals at many places. Army hospitals were often flooded with fruits and other consumer articles for the use of the wounded jawans.

On 7th December 1971, when the Barmer railway station in Rajasthan was bombed by Pakistani planes, about 40 to 45 Swayamsevaks rushed to the dangerous spot. A goods train carrying petrol drums was likely to catch fire. The Swayamsevaks, unmindful of the intermittent bombing, removed the drums to safer places. During those critical days, senior defence and government officers insisted that only the Sangh men be permitted to run the canteens in those sensitive border areas.

In the era of information explosion, these things need to be told again to generations to come!

RSS that we do not know (Part I)

http://www.rss.org/New_RSS/History/Achievements.jsp

Much has been said and written about RSS and people take pride in maligning right wing organizations in India in the name of secularism. But we should not overlooked the fact that no other organization is survived over 80 years and still growing. Let us look in to the other aspect of RSS that is not even swayamsevak are aware of!

In Freedom Movement THE SPIRIT of freedom Dr. Hedgewar had embodied in himself and had infused in the Swayamsevaks has continued to blaze radiantly. Several have been the occasions when this quality has come to the fore-both when the British were ruling and after they left.

By the early forties, the war took an adverse turn for the British. Shri Guruji had just assumed the leadership of Sangh. The urgent and paramount task of mobilising and training the Hindu youth brooked no delay. His hurricane tours over large parts of the country began . The message went home. Hundreds of young Swayamsevaks gave up their studies, left their hearths and homes and began spreading the message of national emancipation through Sangh.

The launching of the 1942 'Quit India' agitation by the Congress proved more like a sporadic outburst than as an organised and well-planned rebellion. There was no prior consultation by the Congress with other organised, patriotic groups like the Sangh. Nevertheless, several Sangh workers took active part in it. They played a notable role in Chimur in the famous Ashti Chimur rebellion in Vidarbha. The British fury in suppressing it was unparalleled. The putting out of action of the Delhi Muzaffarnagar railway line was the handiwork of young men from Delhi, mostly Swayamsevaks. While Nana Patil of Patri Sarkar fame in Maharashtra was sheltered by Pandit S. D. Satwalekar, the celebrated Vedic scholar and Sanghachalak of Aundh, Sane Guruji, an underground Socialist leader, was under the protective wings of Pune Sanghachalak Bhausaheb Deshmukh. Inside the capital Delhi itself, Jayaprakash Narayan and Aruna Asaf Ali took asylum with Lala Hansraj Gupta, the Delhi and Punjab Sanghachalak. The waning of the 1942 movement left behind a gaping void in the people's mind. There was yet another growing threat looming on the national horizon. With all the nationalist leaders of Congress lodged behind bars, the Muslim League had a field day. Egged on by the British, their posture now became more recalcitrant. The League had already passed, in 1940 at Lahore, the 'Pakistan' Resolution. By now the League's designs had become crystal clear. It had taken recourse to violence and bloodshed to browbeat the Congress leadership into accepting Partition. The 'Direct Action' call and the great Calcutta killings had left no one in doubt about the dreadful shape of things to come. During those days Gandhiji's stay was in Bhangi Colony in Delhi. On one night, when Muslim ruffians surrounded the place and hurled vulgar abuses and threats at Gandhiji, the Sangh Swayamsevaks stalled further mischief by their night-long vigil thereafter.

By now, the spectre of Partition had begun to haunt the nation's mind. The Hindu masses instinctively felt that a militant and organised Hindu force was the urgent need of the hour. That alone could rescue the integrity and freedom of the Motherland from the gang-up of the twin hostile forces of the British and the Muslim League. No wonder, to the average Hindu, the Sangh appeared as the only ray of hope. The result was a tremendous Hindu upsurge sweeping all over the country.

During the 1947 Crisis

The sudden and unexpected decision on 3rd June 1947 of the Congress leaders to accept Partition came as a stunning blow to the Hindu people, and more so to the Sangh Swayamsevaks. The British, more than anyone else, knew what the Sangh was all about. Their intelligence records had referred to Shri Guruji as an astute leader. Their report with the National Archives in New Delhi, referring to one of his speeches at the RSS training camp, says: "Golwalkar denounced those persons who render every possible assistance to the present government for their own selfish ends... He declared that the Sangh had resolved to do its duty even though the whole world goes against it and impressed on the volunteers that they must be ready to sacrifice their lives for the cause of Bharat Mata."

The British also unerringly read the pulse of the nation. They knew that time was running out against them. The INA trials had revived the stirring memories of Subhas Chandra Bose. The sparks of naval revolt in Bombay flew to distant cantonments touching off sympathetic strikes by the airmen and the army. This was followed by the British Prime Minister's declaration to quit Bharat at the earliest date. And on 20th February 1947, he also announced the date of their quitting as not later than June 1948.

However, Mountbatten, the last Viceroy who carried out the final operation of Partition, fixed 15th August 1947-a full ten months earlier-for quitting. Leonard Mosley, who accompanied Mountbatten, laid bare the chief reason behind it. He wrote that the advancement of the date of transfer of power, in spite of opposition from army commanders, was "to jostle a settlement through before any really effective opposition to the partition of the country had time to develop." One of the more crucial forces which could have contributed to the opposition was, obviously, the rise of Hindu power spearheaded by the Sangh. The British clearly knew that the Sangh was committed to Complete Independence of Akhand (Undivided) Bharat. They were also aware that Shri Guruji in his countrywide tours was invoking the inspiring vision of Akhand Bharat, and that his call to the youth to consider no sacrifice too great in the cause of safeguarding her unity and integrity was eliciting tremendous response. To the Rescue of Delhi

However, Partition did come about. The country was gripped in a terrible convulsion. The Swayamsevaks who had day in and day out cherished the picture of a free and united Bharat were plunged in deep anguish. However, they responded to the call of duty to protect the integrity of whatever portion of the land had been liberated and to save the life and honour of the Hindu brethren left in the lost portions.

Delhi was then in the throes of violence and intrigues by the Muslim Leaguers. When later on Dr. Bhagawan Das, the great sarvant and a recipient of the Bharat Ratna award, came to know the details of the role of Sangh in those crucial days, he wrote feelingly on 16th October 1948: "I have been reliably informed that a number of youths of RSS were able to inform Sardar Patel and Nehruji in the very nick of time of the Leaguers' intended coup on September 10, 1947, whereby they had planned to assassinate all members of Government and all Hindu officials and thousands of Hindu citizens on that day and plant the flag of Pakistan on the Red Fort and then seize all Hindusthan." He added: "Why have I said all this? Because if those high-spirited and self-sacrificing boys had not given the very timely information to Nehruji and Patelji, there would have been no Government of India today, the whole country would have changed its name into 'Pakistan', tens of millions of Hindus would have been slaughtered and all the rest converted to Islam or reduced to stark slavery. Well, what is the net result of all this long story? Simply this-that our Government should utilise, and not sterilise, the patriotic energies of the lakhs of RSS youths."

In the Integration of Kashmir

Immediately after Independence a most serious challenge to the freedom and integrity of independent Bharat was posed in Kashmir. Briefly told, the Declaration of 3rd June 1947 had left all the princely rulers of undivided Bharat free to join either Bharat or Pakistan or even remain independent. However, Hari Singh, the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir, was in an awful fix. The Maharaja, a devout and patriotic Hindu, could not think of joining Pakistan. In view of the marked Muslim majority in the State, he felt hesitant to straightway join Bharat either. Mountbatten specially flew to Kashmir in the third week of June in a bid to persuade the Maharaja to join Pakistan. The Maharaja, however, resisted the pressure and as a stop-gap arrangement executed a 'Stand-Still Agreement' with Pakistan and wanted to have a similar link with Bharat. But the Indian leaders would not consent to that proposal. Inside the State itself, the Muslim Conference began pressing the Maharaja to opt for Pakistan. R. C. Kak, the then Prime Minister of Kashmir, however, advised him to remain independent.

Amidst these conflicting pulls, the Sangh leaders in the State began exerting every possible influence to persuade the Maharaja to declare his accession to Bharat before the deadline of 15th August 1947. The State Sanghachalak, Pandit Prem Nath Dogra, submitted several memoranda and followed them up with personal interviews with the Maharaja. Several social and political organisations in the province were also persuaded to pass resolutions urging the Maharaja to join Bharat without delay. Thousands of telegrams were sent to him from all parts of Kashmir and other neighbouring states. Badridasji, Sanghachalak of Punjab whom the Maharaja held in high esteem, hastened to Srinagar to meet and advise him.

However, forces inimical to Bharat would not let the Maharaja have his way. When 14th August came, the postal authorities in Srinagar hoisted the Pakistani flag on their office because the post offices within the State came under Sialkot circle which now formed part of Pakistan. Promptly, the Sangh Swayamsevaks and sympathisers saw to it that the postal authorities pulled down the Pakistani flag. On the next day, i.e., the 15th of August, the Indian Tricolour flew over most of the houses and shops in Srinagar. The flags had been prepared in hundreds in the Sangh Karyalaya and distributed to the people.

In the meanwhile, the pro-Pakistani elements inside Kashmir intensified their propaganda to pressurise the Maharaja to join Pakistan. Large-scale smuggling of arms into the State to foment internal rebellion was on. Economic blockade from outside was clamped by Pakistan. The Sangh leaders were the first to realise the gravity of the situation; and again they sent memoranda to the Maharaja. A Sangh Swayamsevak in the guise of a Muslim had wormed himself into the camp of the Muslim personnel of the State's Armed Forces at Srinagar and secured detailed plans of the projected Pakistan invasion. A prominent Sangh worker of Kashmir personally informed the Commander of the State Forces about the plan and the impending tragedy. Later developments tallied word to word with the details of that plan.

At the diplomatic level at the Centre, too, Sangh had made certain moves in the crucial mid-October days. Sardar Patel, knowing the mind of the Maharaja, had pitched upon Shri Guruji to talk to him. Shri Guruji, he knew, commanded the implicit confidence of the Maharaja. Shri Guruji flew to Srinagar on 17th October 1947. He brought home to the Maharaja the futility of harbouring any idea of retaining Kashmir as an independent kingdom and advised him to join Bharat straightway. Finally, the Maharaja expressed his readiness to sign the Instrument of Accession to Bharat. Shri Guruji returned to New Delhi on 19th October, and reported to Sardar Patel about the Maharaja's readiness to accede to Bharat.

The sudden and massive invasion of Kashmir on 23rd October by Pakistani tribesmen, the SOS to Delhi by the Maharaja for help, agreeing to the accession of the State to Bharat and the flying of Indian troops to save Kashmir-all these followed in lightning succession. The first attack by Pakistani raiders was made on 11th October 1947. Many on the Indian side were butchered and large numbers of women abducted. Then began regular raids on a long stretch of the border. By October 22-23, the entire Jammu Sialkot border was aflame reducing scores of border villages to ashes. Within the city of Jammu itself, the local Muslims numbering about 20,000 were in a rebellious mood. The first shot was fired in Talab Katikan area which was followed by a series of riots. The fate of Jammu city and the entire countryside, with no troops on hand, hung in a precarious balance. A terrible tragedy stared everybody in the face. But the young men of Sangh rose to the occasion. They faced the pro-Pakistani Muslim elements inside, repulsed their repeated attacks and shattered their designs.

Thus was saved Jammu. But for the Swayamsevaks' valiant efforts, Jammu could never have been saved; and without Jammu, there was not the ghost of a chance to save Srinagar even by Indian forces.

Once the backbone of internal saboteurs was broken, Swayamsevaks took up the urgent task of broadening the Jammu aerodrome. Five hundred Swayamsevaks toiled round the clock for seven days and made the aerodrome ready for the Indian dakotas to land. Roads for the movement of Indian Army were also repaired and constructed by them in record time. In the meanwhile, in several villages on the border, the local Muslims had joined hands with the invaders and butchered thousands of Hindus and abducted thousands of Hindu women. In that critical hour, once again the indomitable spirit of heroism and sacrifice of the Sangh Swayamsevaks came to the fore. Hundreds of Swayamsevaks from Jammu laid down their lives in saving the lives and honour of tens of thousands of Hindus remaining in Mirpur, after it fell into Pakistani hands.

The helpless refugees struggling towards Jammu had no other protection against the Pathan snipers except a hundred and more Sangh men moving by their side, in a day-and-night vigil. Kotley was a strategic border town.. Pak raiders assisted by local Muslims intruded into the town repeatedly and carried out killings and other atrocities. But the Hindus did not give up. Every time they fought back and almost every street and house became a fortress of defence. Scores of our mothers and sisters perferred martyrdom through poison or at the hands of their own male folk rather than sacrificing their honour at the hands of invaders. For six weeks, the Hindus held on to their post. The entire credit for this historic defence of a vital border post goes to the Sangh Swayamsevaks. Led by their heroic Nagar Karyavaha (city secretary of Sangh) the Swayamsevaks strengthened the people's morale, roused their spirit of patriotism and organised them for heroic resistance.

Swayamsevaks felt no sacrifice too great when the call came to assist our Army. The garrison inside Kotley had run out of ammunition. 20 chests of ammunitions dropped by our Air Force had fallen off a steep slope, well within the range of Pakistani artillery. The Commander of the garrison thought it unwise to risk the life of the few available soldiers to salvage the material as the task seemed to entail sure death. However, a local Sangh worker, Krishnalal, along with 20 other Swayamsevaks, accepted the challenge and brought back 17 chests. But they had to pay the price of six precious lives, including their leader. In lieu of the six, however, they had saved the life and honour of six thousand Hindus in the town. And right at the fag-end of the battle, Prakash, the Nagar Karyavaha, also fell a martyr while defending the town.

In Kashmir Valley, too, the situation was similar. Though Sheikh Abdullah, assured by Delhi of his supreme position in Kashmir, stood firm against the Pak invasion, his followers joined the raiders being carried away by the Islamic frenzy let loose by Pak propaganda. The Swayamsevaks joined the militia in large numbers and stood by the Indian Army in throwing out the raiders. The defence of Srinagar claimed the life of Pandit Manmath, a Sangh worker in the militia. Sheikh Abdullah's government allowed the Sangh Swayamsevaks to work in the militia till the Kashmir Valley was cleared of the raiders and his own regime was well settled. And once that purpose was served, the Sangh Swayamsevaks were eased out of the militia and even out of Kashmir in a planned manner.

In the Liberation of Goa

The struggle for Independence was not over with the quitting of the British. On 2nd August 1954, one hundred Sangh Swayamsevaks stormed the remaining Portuguese enclaves of Dadra and Nagar Haveli. The attack was led by the late Vinayak Rao Apte, Pune Sanghachalak. The group included several prominent Sangh workers. They formulated the guerilla strategy and attacked the main police headquarters at Selvassa and forced the 175 soldiers there to surrender unconditionally. The National Tricolour was hoisted and the region handed over to the Central Government on the same day. On 2nd August 1979-the occasion of the silver jubilee of that historic event-the people of Selvassa invited the 100 freedom-heroes and felicitated them. In 1987, the Maharashtra State Government too recognised them as freedom fighters and honoured them.

The Portuguese still held sway over Goa. The first to unfurl the Tricolour Flag over the Panaji Secretariat in 1955 was a Swayamsevak working as a teacher in Goa. He remained in the Lisbon jail for full 17 years-well after Goa was liberated in 1961. In 1955, Swayamsevaks took a leading part in the all-party national struggle for its liberation. The task of providing food and shelter, all along the Goa border, to the Satyagrahis who were streaming from different parts of the country was shouldered by the Swayamsevaks. Prominent workers of Sangh and Jana Sangh led several batches of Satyagrahis and a number of them suffered bullet wounds and inhuman tortures in Portuguese jails.

Rajabhau Mahankal of Ujjain was among the prominent Swayamsevaks who led a batch from Madhya Bharat. Right at the border, the Protuguese police were ready with their bayonets and bullets to 'welcome' the Satyagrahis. Before Rajabhau proceeded into Goa border, the first three columns of Satyagrahis were fired upon. They fell down wounded. When the daring Sahodara Devi of Saugar in the third row fell wounded, Rajabhau took the Tricolour from her hands and stepped forward with the roar of 'Bharat Mata ki jai'. Rajabhau fell with one of his eyes pierced right through with a bullet. In those few seconds, before he became unconscious, he commanded others to take care of the Flag and of the other wounded Satyagrahis. And within a few minutes, he joined the rank of martyrs who had covered themselves with immortal glory in the cause of the freedom of the Motherland.

Relevance of Vedanta and Hinduism in Modern Days

Modified from (By Swami Amarananda - courtesy Prabuddha Bharata)

The term ‘Hindu’ is the dis-figuration of the word ‘Sindhu’ the great river of the northern India (this river-Indus-is still called Sindhu in Indian languages). 'Hindu' has been in the Indian vocabulary since about 1200 years.We shall, however, use the term ‘Hinduism’ to denote our religion of even earlier epochs. The closest Sanskrit word for ‘religion’ in the distant past was dharma. Dharma was the prescribed, correct mode for individual and social life.

Swami Vivekananda was the first Hindu to discover the common basis of the creeds of the Hindu sects. These are:

(i) veneration of the Vedas,

(ii) theory of reincarnation and karma,

(iii) theory of the cyclic creation, sustenance and destruction of the cosmos,

(iv) goal perceived as liberation from suffering and access to bliss, and

(v) acceptance of diverse spiritual paths and the individual’s right to choose one or more among them.

It is the avastha-adhikara doctrine (avastha means the level of evolution and the corresponding aptitude for a spiritual discipline; adhikara means the competence of a person to take up a particularly higher course) - as illustrated through the spiritual ministration of Sri Ramakrishna - that helps the modern man to comprehend the seemingly contradictory approaches in different areas of Hinduism, or to appreciate the life of an aspirant who takes up several of such approaches.

The excellence of Hinduism should be evident :

(a) acceptance of plurality of a approaches, democracy in establishing creeds,

(b) balance between the two ideals-monarchal and social,

(c) basic formulations espouse the scientific vision,

(d) great elaboration of steps leading to inner transformation, and

e) abundance of saints suffused with spiritual force.

The Vedas say: When you have doubt regarding an act or a profession, go to a scholar who is a yogi, who has not lost his independence by being salaried: ask him what he will do if put in a similar situation, and do as he would have done.’

One Hindu custom, generally found in Vedic literature and developed in post-Vedic Puranic lore, is considering God as mother. Historically speaking, this had a salutary effect. India’s ancient history gives proof of the existence of women philosophers, saints, poets, artists and administrators. Saunaka in the 5th century BC mentions 27 women seers of the Rig Veda, the ancient-most literature of mankind.

The intellectual conviction that transcendental mysticism is the goal of religion; this is the central message of Hinduism.

We should bear in mind that from the date of the demise of Emperor Harsha in the year 647 AD up to 15 August 1947 there was no Hindu governing any vast portion of India, and that for a period of 1300 years Hindus were at the mercy of rules of alien faiths. Therefore the Hindu society today is like an unmended old boat which requires repairs. There is need of a fresh look at our marriage system, at our democracy-shy priest craft, at our service-shy religiosity. Our women should be given proper education; and all gender-related inequalities, in social as well as religious practice, should be brought to an end. Our tribal populations should be brought into the national mainstream through the sharing of our cultural heritage.

The major religions of the world fall under three categories: those arising on Indian soil, those formed by the lapping of the former Sino-Japanese ethics and art, and those issuing from the Middle East.

The spiritual feast is one great particularity of Hinduism Religion ultimately is an individual affair, to be taken seriously; this is illustrated through the system of having an ishta-devata, i.e. each person having the right to choose his or spiritual ideal. Hindus can resolve the dichotomy between the two ideals-the personal God and the impersonal one. This is the watershed between Abrahamic religions and eastern religions such as Theravada Buddhism, Jainism and Vedantic Monism. So, Hindus as a class are better suited than the members of other religions to have genuine sympathy for both the ideas. This is a great advantage when inter-religious dialogue is gaining momentum.

When our religion is thus made comprehensible to the modern man, when the practices incompatible with Vedanta are purged, when our education is spiritualized through de-secularization, when our nation gets united by the application of Vedanta, only then will Hindus be able to impress the world outside. Only then can our acharyas deliver what is expected of them - showing how to have the correct attitude to solve modern and ultra-modern problems: pollution, population explosion, escalating terrorism, ecological imbalance, unprecedented pauperization of man, ‘genetic bomb’ etc. Only then the song of the Puranic ballad will have significance today.